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Angry Chinese Blogger: The news and views about China that the big media can't, or won't, tell you

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How much do foreigners really know about China?

Friday, 2 May 2008
When reading what foreigner have to say about China ACB often finds them self asking two important questions. 1) Is this person talking about the same China that ACB knows, or some other place entirely? 1) Based on what experience does this person make such statements. After giving thing some thought ACB has reached their own tentative answers to these important questions. 1) No, 2) None.

It would appear that ACB isn't the only person whom has reached there conclusion.

From the pen of Xu Wu: Assistant Professor of Strategic Media and Public Relations, Walter Cronkite School of Journalism and Mass Communication, Arizona State University.

The real US deficit with China - knowledge

Americans are out of touch with today's China. It's a knowledge deficit that carries more weight in the long-term bilateral relationships between China and the United States than the ballooning US trade deficit with China. And as China makes a comeback on the world stage, it's one that the US should address.

Chinese visitors to the US have shared the shock of witnessing a severe dichotomy between how much Americans seem to talk about China and yet how little they know about it. The US status as the world's superpower, coupled with its location, warrants people this type of benign negligence.

But what about those experts who have the power to impose their perceptions of China on others? All too often China experts in the US cannot even speak the language. How can they claim to understand a culture without knowing how its people communicate?

This knowledge deficit accounts directly for widespread and deep-rooted misperceptions about China.

There are three faulty, recurring talking points in the American media.

First, China is a rising power, and a rising power is dangerous. The first part of this argument is incomplete, and the latter part is misplaced. China is not only a rising power; it is a returning power. China, as a united continental power, has existed for more than 2,000 years.

As a returning player, China is composed, restrained, and mature, just like a former champion returning to the title game after a short lapse. Also, if history is any guide, Chinese-ruling regimes have not been considered aggressive or expansive; they were famous for building walls. This fact alone should call into question the comparison of China's current resurgence with Japan's and Germany's disastrous rising path before World War II.

Second, China is a Communist country, and Communism is evil. Repeatedly placed upon China by media commentators, most notably CNN's anchorman Lou Dobbs, this characterization is both simplistic and utterly misleading.

To today's China, Marxism is as foreign as liberal democracy. When you look back at China's past, no alien cultures have uprooted Chinese tradition; instead, they were either localized, or submerged. China can still be Chinese without the Communism title.

Likewise, today's ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) could easily be renamed the Chinese Confucian Party (CCP) without changing much of its ideological belief or organizational structure, or even its acronym for that matter.

Both the "ruling by virtue" policy promoted by former President Jiang Zemin and the "harmonious society" guideline proposed by current leader Hu Jintao were derived more from the Confucian doctrine than from the Marxist ideology. Singling out "Communist" as the definer confuses the reality.

Third, Tiananmen Square in 1989 is an iconic image that lingers in the minds of the Chinese. American observers' obsession with this tragic event reflects how deep their perception gap about China runs. There is no question that what happened that summer was historic. However, it was a generation ago, and sea changes have occurred since then.

Those who were born in 1989 are turning 19. What this new Chinese generation cares about is not the guy who blocked those tanks, but the Chinese Super Girl Singer and Yao Ming. America's unyielding interest in Tiananmen is out of touch. Is the Watergate scandal still the dominant issue facing the US today?

This lack of updated information about China becomes more problematic in a larger context. Chinese students are required to study English beginning in primary school. Students are exposed to both American culture and the Western way of thinking by college. For at least two decades, tens of thousands of the best and the brightest Chinese students attend American's top-tier graduate schools, channeling back the most updated perceptions and information about the US.

Although the number of American students studying in China witnessed a huge jump over the past few years, the accumulated knowledge deficits and language barriers are still immense.

This imbalance of knowledge, just like the imbalance of trade, is unsustainable. With the trade problem, Chinese leaders outlined a "win-win partner" scenario, and American policymakers have mapped out the "responsible stakeholder" blueprint. However, no strategy will be feasible if the two parties cannot understand each other well enough to weather the uncertainties ahead.

It is highly probable that the next generation of Americans will live in a world where China is the largest economic power. Are they prepared? When and how are they going to fix this current knowledge deficit with China?

While ACB doens't agree with everything said here, and notices that there are some strategic exclusions and whitewashings, this blogger does agree with the writer on a number of key points. Most significantly, that there exist a significant number of misconceptions about China that are held at every level of society, from the man on the street to leaders in their seats of office, and that these misconceptions are based largely on a lack of understanding of China today and China in the past.

Brainwashing: A Tibetan Monk Speaks Out

Wednesday, 23 April 2008

Not so long ago a reader dropped by this website and suggested that Beijing allowed Tibetans freedom of religion and culture. They cited the presence of many monasteries in Tibet as evidence of this, and voiced that if Beijing  were as bad as everybody says it is then they surely it would have simply shut the monasteries.

ACB responded by voicing that things weren't quite as simple as all that because Beijing was actively interfering with the monasteries, and was attempting to modify monastic teachings so that they could be used to change Tibetan culture into a more Beijing centric form.

Now it would appear that this topic has hit the headlines in the West care of Britain's Times news groups and respected journalist and China watcher Jane Macartney.

Original version available Here

China tries to teach Tibet a lesson that the monks have refused to learn

From civil servants to yak herders, barley farmers and street traders, the residents of the Tibetan capital and surrounding countryside are being subjected to a two-month re-education campaign to combat anti-Chinese sentiment.

Under the latest drive to instil a sense of patriotism — titled “Oppose splittism, protect stability, encourage development” — those involved in the anti-Chinese Lhasa riots of March 14 will be asked to denounce their actions and condemn others who took part.

China says that 22 people died when Tibetans rampaged through Lhasa, stabbing and stoning ethnic Han Chinese and burning shops and offices.

For thousands of monks across the restive Himalayan region and in adjacent provinces, such campaigns have become part of life in the monasteries.
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Reminiscent in tone and rhetoric of the Cultural Revolution, patriotic lessons attack the “wrongs” of taking part in anti-Chinese protests or demonstrations in support of the Dalai Lama as China tries to persuade Tibetans to renounce their exiled spiritual leader.

Political education, an occasional if unwelcome interruption into monastic life, has become a daily ritual for monks such as Wangchuk — not his real name — who no longer have the freedom to watch the latest DVD, surf the internet or chat with friends on their mobile phones.

Wangchuk's monastery has been his home since he was a child. He gets up at dawn, offers holy water and lights a yak butter lamp to honour the Buddha protector of his temple and the Dalai Lama — in all his 14 reincarnations.

Under more peaceable circumstances Wangchuk's afternoon would have comprised an array of different activities, from saying prayers for the dead “to help their soul reach Heaven” to debates with his fellow monks or time spent with his teacher.

Now, the monasteries have been closed to the public and a very different study session forms part of his timetable: patriotic education:

“This is compulsory. There's no excuse for not attending — unless you're ill and then you have to have a note from doctor.”

The sessions used to be called for a week once every two or three months. They now take place almost daily. “We gather in the main hall and Communist Party officials deliver a speech telling us to be patriotic and they give each monk a paper to read.”

This session takes place in the morning; in the afternoon the monks are summoned to answer questions. “Usually it's pretty relaxed. If I can't remember my answers then I just repeat the same as the monk in front of me.

“Sometimes it turns more serious. That is when the police arrive. They stand beside each monk listening carefully to make sure each answer is correct. If the police come we have to lie. We have to say, ‘I love the Motherland. I don't love him'. They don't require you to explain who ‘him' is, because we all know.”

Beijing has blamed the recent violence on the Dalai Lama and his followers. “We learn from the patriotic education that many things are banned. For example, we can't have pictures of the Dalai Lama and we mustn't listen to what people outside China tell us.”

In the past few weeks groups of Tibetan monks have staged highly publicised protests, including hijacking official tours of the region put on for foreign journalists.

The latest re-education campaign, which will include films and television programmes, suggests that China fears the spread of the discontent.

When people talk about brainwashing by China, this is what immediately springs to my mind. Not the subtle (and often not so subtle) media manipulations and strategic exclusions found in the wider Chinese society, but the direct enforcement of "Political Education" on those whom Beijing fears.

Flame of Shame; Flashpoint Japan?

Sunday, 20 April 2008
You probably don't need to be a China watcher to know that the 2008 Olympic torch procession has become something of a hot topic of late, with pro Tibet/anti China demonstrators dogging the torches passage as it journeys round the world from Athens to Beijing. You probably also don't need to be a China watcher to know that many Chinese have taken exception to these protests and have staged protests of their own.

Mainland View?

So far, the bulk of the Chinese reaction has to the world wide protests over its hosting of the 2008 Olympics either been vocal but otherwise harmless, or have been all talk and no action.

However, if concerns held by some China watchers come to fruition, we may only be seeing the start of a much more vociferous - and potentially much more explosive - as the Olympic torch moves surely and steadily towards its rendezvous with a nation that is already a symbol of hatred to many Chinese.

In the words of this China watcher. "If you think the Chinese people have been unforgiving over protests in England, France and America, imagine how they will react to protests in Japan".

Indeed, there is very real concern that Chinese might react in a 'less than peaceful way' if they are embarrassed by protectors in Japan. But are concerns over the potential for a backlash likely to be reflected by an actual backlash, or will the event pass off peacefully?

President

Though as yet on a small scale, several incidents of Chinese backlash against foreign sentiment have already been observed. Much of this backlash has come in response to Western media coverage during the March-April period which - according to many Chinese - was bias against the Mainland because it concentrated too heavily on abuses committed by Beijing against Tibet and on pro Tibet/anti China demonstrations during the torch processions in London, Paris and San Fransisco, rather than concentrating on China's perspective of the Sino-Tibetan dynamic and on the torch procession itself.

Though present in some form for over a generation, anti-Western media sentiment over recent issues first emerged on Chinese Internet sites during resent unrest in Tibet. With nationalists expressing sentiment against the big Western broadcasts - specifically CNN and the BBC - on message boards and then moving on to specially designed websites denouncing the big Western media outlets as bias against China.

Protest later  spilled over into the real world. First in the form of calls for Chinese to boycott western goods and stores, and then by the holding of protests in China, with some demonstrators holding anti-independence rallies in a number of Chinese cities as a general protest against Tibet, and others picketing French interests as a direct protest against France's threat to boycott the Olympics and against the alleged pro-Tibet stance of some of the interests.

Chinese and overseas Chinese have also held rallies in the West, expressing their anger directly to the agencies concerned and to their host governments.

In one incident an estimated 1000+ Chinese students held demonstrations being held outside the offices of the BBC's Manchester office. In another incident a further 500 protested gathered outside of Britain's houses of Parliament: the seat of the UK government. Both groups were angry about perceived Western media bias. A position which some China watchers have described as 'not being entirely without merit', especially in the case of conservative US broadcasters who have long expressed views unfavorable to Beijing due to its advances on US interests.

"The way [the BBC] frame the story is biased. There is only one side of the story"

Tian Yang, March Organizer, Manchester, UK.

Protests against Western media coverage were also held in Paris and Berlin. In a related incident, several thousand Chinese and overseas Chinese gathered in Los Angeles to picket CNN, after front man Jack Cafferty made remarks that many Chinese and overseas Chinese felt offensive.

Anti-Japanese Sentiment?

Although Japan has almost no recent history of staging anti-Chinese demonstrations, and largely reframes from making statement in favor of Tibetan independence, China watchers have expressed very real concern that Mainland feelings over any pro-Tibet/anti-China demonstrations that do occur during the torch procession could be magnified significantly due existing tensions in the Sino-Japanese relationship. Potentially leading to an explosive backlash amongst Chinese nationalist who combine their existing feeling over Sino-Japanese issues with their feelings over protests in Japan: Leading them to react severely to protests in Japan that would otherwise rate only a moderate reaction had they occurred elsewhere.

Worst Case?

With the anti-Japanese riots of 2005 on their minds, some China watchers have noted that, in a worst case scenario, anger triggered by a small incident in Japan or by an unfavorable remark by a senior Japanese official could potentially be significantly magnified by lingering anti-Japanese sentiment in China and by and general feeling of social unrest amongst young Chinese nationalists. Leading to rioting and attacks on Japanese interests in China as happened during previous unrest.

Real Concerns?

At present there is little or nothing to indicate that there will be disturbances during the torch procession on par with those that occurred in the West - a significant part of which is due to Japan having a culture that asways from public outbursts of anger, and due to the low number of Tibetan exiles living in Japan - however, a number of prominent groups have already begun to distance themselves as a precaution against trouble, and against any backlash that could follow.

According to the Western Media Olympic sponsor Coke Cola as, this week, issued a statement confirming that they are to significantly scale back their presence when torch procession when it passes through Japan. Including the scrapping of plans to run a Coke Cola branded float ahead of the torch. Media reports cite officials representatives of Coke Cola as saying that the company was reducing its pretense due to "security concerns". Though they did not elaborate on exact nature of these concerns

Coke Cola's announcement comes after Electronics giants Samsung Group and Lenovo announced that they will be pulling their presence at the procession. Officially, both companies cites "financial" concerns as being their primary motive. China watchers have questioned whether this was a comment at the cost-to-benefit ration of taking part, or whether it was out of fears that their brands might suffer if the Japanese leg of the procession became associated with anger over demonstrations, and thus suffered in China.

Coke Cola's announcement also comes shortly after Nagano's  善光寺 (A temple, known in the West as Zenkoji) released a statement saying that it was pulling out of the procession. According to Temple officials and representatives of the Nagano government the Temple's actions were in response security concerns should events take a less pleasing turn, and due to feelings of solidarity over Tibet.

"There have been a lot of talk about the Tibet issue and the public opinion is heightening... We are Buddhists just like [The Tibetans]. We hear words of concern from many people every day."

Secretariat, Zenkoj

The Temple was originally due to host the start of the torch procession but had received many letters urging it to pull out.

Shortly after its announcement the Temple's grounds were vandalized by unknown assailants. Local police have not confirmed that this was an act of reprisal by anti Tibet/pro China factions, though acts of vandalism against holy sites are rare in Japan, leading conclusions to be drawn by observers.

2008?

Although there may be no trouble during the Japan leg of the 2008 torch procession, and no resulting backlash, China watchers have voiced that the possibility of there being trouble is likely of concern to Beijing.

While Beijing has acted to foster anti-Japanese sentiment in the past it is not in its interest for there to be a violent backlash against Japan at the present time. Firstly, any backlash in China would reflect poorly on Beijing during the run up to the Olympics. Both providing further material for the big Western media to broadcast as a sign of China's troubles and divisions in the run up to Beijing 2008, and because of the danger that it poses to its own authority.

2005 saw significant anti-Japanese riots in the Mainlanders as Chinese nationalists combined their anger over contemporary issues with simmering resentment over historic issues. Initially Beijing offered their tacitly support riots as a way of channeling feelings of anger an alienation felt by Chinese youths away from domestic issues and towards an external focal point. However, Beijing was soon forced to rethink its compliance when it became clear that the international community were more engaged by the fact that Chinese were rioting than by the reasons why they were rioting. Leading foreigners to see Japan as the victim of modern day Chines aggression instead of sympathizing with China as the victim of past Japanese aggression. A situation which is unpalatable to most Chinese: whom historically see themselves as victims rather than aggressors.

However, despite the extreme loss of face, Beijing continued its tacit support until officials realized that the demonstrators had gained significant enough momentum to take action against them for their perceived lack of action against Japan.

As such, China watchers have voiced that Beijing is likely to be reticent to let such a situation emerge again, especially so close to Beijing 2008. though it is not yet clear what Beijing would do should there be a backlash against Japan.

Beijing traditionally acts to prevent any groups or movement from gaining sufficient momentum to make demands on it. This applies regardless of the groups purpose, origin or intentions, and has previously seen the suppression of religious and ethnic groups as well as the state mandated stunting of trade unions and land rights groups. Much of Beijing's efforts against Tibet have been aimed at weakening national attachment to causes, often faith centered, that tibetans could rally round.

Actual protests

The Japan traditionally  asways from holding public demonstrations, there have been some pro-Tibet/anti-China demonstrations in Japan over the last month or so, though they have been lower key that those in Europe. One of the most notable took place on 16 March when pro-Tibet/anti-China campaigners marched through 代々木公園 (Yoyogi Park) in Shibuya ward, to draw attention to China's treatment of Tibetans.

“[The purpose of the march is to] highlight the paradox of the 2008 Beijing Olympics - the world's most respectful and peaceful sporting event in one of the most repressive and brutal countries”

Press Statement, March Organizers

The march was held as part of the lead up to the "Tibetan Olympics", an 'alternative sporting' even to be held in Dharamsala, India, in Mid-late May. The event is organized by the same group as the annual Miss Tibet Pageant.


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